Dear all,
Welcome.
Court ruling:
1. Sahara: A newly constituted Justice Bench would be hearing Sahara case matter today. After one member's tenure getting expired and dissolving of the committee, CJI had reconstituted the committee. The retired Justice had stated about stress while the Bench had maintained it's order dated May 6 of not releasing Sahara chief. Sahara chief's claim of not maintaining principle of natural justice was rejected. It is to note that Sahara group is charged of not returning investors money worth 24,000 crore INR raised through OCDs. The Bench had granted conditional bail to him upon deposition of 10,000 crore by way of Cash & Bank guarantee.
2. Asaram Bapu: Supreme Court had denied interim bail application of Asaram Bapu wherein he had demanded dissolving of Pacso Act 5(p). He had also petitioned for verification of victim's age and cross statement as well. As per his counsel, her date of birth is 1995 & not 1997. The hearing is scheduled for July 3.
3. Land acquisition: Allahabad HC had ruled that farmers who had got 64.7% additional compensation amount in lieu of their land won't be considered any further more. Their petition would be considered in Gajaraj & others case matter. Only those who had not been compensated would be considered along with Harkaran etc. It had thus provided relief to the Tribunal.
4. Arushi case: Infamous Arushi case matter filed for interim bail to Talwar's before the Allahabad HC had got bail petition been rejected. Justice Bench had kept the verdict safe after hearing on May 6 along with writing argument submission by both parties. It is to note that CBI Court had sentenced them to lifetime imprisonment.
5. MNREGA: CBI inquiry was directed by Justice Bench of Allahabad HC upon petition for investigation into alleged irregularities at Gonda, Balrampur, Mahoba,Sant Kabir nagar, Mirzapur, & Kushinagar during the period from 2007 uptil 2010.
Welcome.
Court ruling:
1. Sahara: A newly constituted Justice Bench would be hearing Sahara case matter today. After one member's tenure getting expired and dissolving of the committee, CJI had reconstituted the committee. The retired Justice had stated about stress while the Bench had maintained it's order dated May 6 of not releasing Sahara chief. Sahara chief's claim of not maintaining principle of natural justice was rejected. It is to note that Sahara group is charged of not returning investors money worth 24,000 crore INR raised through OCDs. The Bench had granted conditional bail to him upon deposition of 10,000 crore by way of Cash & Bank guarantee.
2. Asaram Bapu: Supreme Court had denied interim bail application of Asaram Bapu wherein he had demanded dissolving of Pacso Act 5(p). He had also petitioned for verification of victim's age and cross statement as well. As per his counsel, her date of birth is 1995 & not 1997. The hearing is scheduled for July 3.
3. Land acquisition: Allahabad HC had ruled that farmers who had got 64.7% additional compensation amount in lieu of their land won't be considered any further more. Their petition would be considered in Gajaraj & others case matter. Only those who had not been compensated would be considered along with Harkaran etc. It had thus provided relief to the Tribunal.
4. Arushi case: Infamous Arushi case matter filed for interim bail to Talwar's before the Allahabad HC had got bail petition been rejected. Justice Bench had kept the verdict safe after hearing on May 6 along with writing argument submission by both parties. It is to note that CBI Court had sentenced them to lifetime imprisonment.
5. MNREGA: CBI inquiry was directed by Justice Bench of Allahabad HC upon petition for investigation into alleged irregularities at Gonda, Balrampur, Mahoba,Sant Kabir nagar, Mirzapur, & Kushinagar during the period from 2007 uptil 2010.
It had been ordered by Supreme Court. The irregularities are as follow:
a. At Balrampur under 11 heads, 181,18602 INR worth scam for items being purchased at double price.
b. At Gonda, financial rules were not followed during purchases & safeguarding of accused.
c. At Mahoba, payment made to non-licensee firms for camera purchases.
d. At Kushinagar, prima facie negligent officials were safeguarded.
e. At Mirzapur, fake quotations & payment on record basis.
f. At Sant kabir nagar, non-registered institutes being paid.
g. At Sonabhadra, no investigation was done.
a. At Balrampur under 11 heads, 181,18602 INR worth scam for items being purchased at double price.
b. At Gonda, financial rules were not followed during purchases & safeguarding of accused.
c. At Mahoba, payment made to non-licensee firms for camera purchases.
d. At Kushinagar, prima facie negligent officials were safeguarded.
e. At Mirzapur, fake quotations & payment on record basis.
f. At Sant kabir nagar, non-registered institutes being paid.
g. At Sonabhadra, no investigation was done.
Walmart: Biggest retail business, Walmart, would be holding talks along with new govt. for it's cash & carry business. BJP had stated in its manifesto that FDI would be kept out from multi-brand retail. FDI is to be allowed only in those areas having employment generation and capital gain. It would need strong infrastructure, best technique, & specialists.
Walmart would be opening 20 wholesale stores in India. It had stated that it is committed to work along with its stakeholders. Out of employment generation scheme, 95% would be for sale and would be of domestic suppliers. It would also promote online shopping. B2B e-commerce would platform would be strengthened.
It is to note that during past October, It had declared ending of its contract along with Bharti Enterprises.
Walmart would be opening 20 wholesale stores in India. It had stated that it is committed to work along with its stakeholders. Out of employment generation scheme, 95% would be for sale and would be of domestic suppliers. It would also promote online shopping. B2B e-commerce would platform would be strengthened.
It is to note that during past October, It had declared ending of its contract along with Bharti Enterprises.
NOTA: During the 16th LokSabha elections, NOTA was opted by 60 lakh people. Around 21 parties could get only less than that votes.
As per Election Commission, 59,97,054 voters had pressed NOTA button. It amounts to 1.1% of total votes. Various political parties, which could get less than NOTA votes are JD(U), CPI, JD(S),SAD etc. In Pondicherry, around 22,268 people had opted for NOTA button, Meghalaya 30,145 votes, Gujarat 4,54,880 votes, Chattisgarh 2,24,889 votes, UT Dadra/Nagar Havelli 2,962
As per Election Commission, 59,97,054 voters had pressed NOTA button. It amounts to 1.1% of total votes. Various political parties, which could get less than NOTA votes are JD(U), CPI, JD(S),SAD etc. In Pondicherry, around 22,268 people had opted for NOTA button, Meghalaya 30,145 votes, Gujarat 4,54,880 votes, Chattisgarh 2,24,889 votes, UT Dadra/Nagar Havelli 2,962
votes, Bihar 5,81,011 votes & Odisha 3,32,780 votes went in favour of NOTA. These are respectively 3%, 2.8%, 1.8%,1.8%, 1.8%, 1.6% & 1.5% for those States.
Elections: Other than BJP seats, there are 200 MPs out of which Southern State, TN's AIADMK had appeared as third biggest party. Mamata Banerjee's TMC is on fourth position. The leftist parties which were having 60 seats got only 47 seats during past election & now it's only a dozen seats. SP got 21 seats whereas JD(U) got 19 seats during past election but not it is one-fourth of those seats. NCP, & RLD are not stronger too. Congress party got 57 seats.
With regards,
With regards,
M.K.Pachraiya
Original_app_mssg(1) Govt.agenda
Following its staggering landslide victory, Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has a mandate for real reform. Still, quick successes are needed to sustain political and market momentum. The pro-business former chief minister of Gujarat state should start with infrastructure, tax, and banking.
Following its staggering landslide victory, Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has a mandate for real reform. Still, quick successes are needed to sustain political and market momentum. The pro-business former chief minister of Gujarat state should start with infrastructure, tax, and banking.
The central challenge is growth. For the past two years, GDP has expanded by less than 5 percent annually, down from an average of almost 9 percent in the five years before 2008.
That means fewer jobs for the millions of young Indians joining the workforce each year. Employment increased by just 2 million each year between 2010 and 2012, down from 8 million annually in the first five years of the millennium.
Some of the blame lies with fiscal indiscipline, runaway inflation, a wobbly rupee, and cagey foreign investors. But a huge culprit is collapsing investment.
India has all but stopped building new factories and machinery. The problem, particularly acute in infrastructure and mining, stems from infighting between Delhi ministries and interminable local approvals.
An understandable backlash against corruption hasn't helped. The outgoing Congress Party's "cabinet committee" has helped dent the backlog. But a lot remains to be done. Modi needs to force through more approvals from central government, insist that departments work together, and browbeat local officials.
TAX BATTLES
Tax is another target. India has taken a tough line with multinationals like Nokia, Shell and Vodafone. The UK mobile phone group won a $2 billion-plus tax case in India's top court, only for New Delhi to retrospectively change the law. The dispute is now headed for international arbitration.
Global companies are often aggressive with tax. But India's current stance deters foreign investment. The BJP calls this "tax terrorism", which implies it is planning to change tack. Modi's finance minister could use his first budget to send a powerful message to international business that India's tax policy is becoming more predictable.
For domestic companies, too, tax could change. For years, politicians have debated a so-called goods and services tax to replace some of India's many indirect charges. Business lobby groups reckon this could add 1.5 percentage points or more to GDP growth, while slowing inflation.
Pushing the levy through parliament, though, will be a challenge because Modi's party doesn't control the legislature's upper house.
BAD BANKS
The financial system is also due an overhaul. Most lending is still done by badly run, overstaffed, and undercapitalised public-sector banks.
A recent timely report from the Reserve Bank of India lambasted the banks' governance and performance, said the government should give up its majority shareholding in state lenders, and warned the sector may need 2.1 to 5.9 trillion rupees ($36 to $100 billion) of fresh capital by 2018. The central bank's recommendations provide a helpful spur to government action.
Downsizing welfare programmes like India's rural job guarantee and using the savings to recapitalize banks would help to give lending a short-term boost without burdening an overstretched federal budget.
Even outside banking, there is ample scope for privatisation. The state has stakes in everything from miners and airlines to hotels and a major producer of newsprint. Drawing up a privatisation plan would be a bold statement of intent, though it will take at least a year to get the auction going.
The new government can also open the door to overseas investment. Though the BJP has pledged to keep out international supermarket chains, many of the existing limits on foreign direct investment can be eased without legal manoeuvring. Obvious candidates are railways and defence production.
Meanwhile, an immediate increase in government-controlled natural gas prices will boost domestic production and get some idle power plants humming again.
MODI RALLY
This is just a first-year agenda. India sits a miserable 134th in the World Bank's "ease of doing business" rankings: it is an especially bad place to start a business, enforce contracts and obtain building permits. Addressing these gripes would help restore confidence.
Agriculture, too, deserves attention. Far too much food is wasted between farm and plate. For now, though, sustaining the "Modi rally" in the stock market is crucial, as it will give the most indebted Indian groups an opportunity to raise equity.
Original_app_mssg(2) AAP
From the adrenalin and belligerent patriotism of Anna Hazare's anti-corruption movement to the sophisticated politicking in Delhi, Aam Aadmi Party's script unfurled like a political fairy-tale. Drama, lots of noise, an us-against-the-world undertone, one newspaper headline a day and just the right number of controversies, Kejriwal's AAP story was right out of a all's well that ends well political saga - stuff Bollywood would be proud of. And then Delhi government happened to them...
The exit polls in various channels lobbed one number after another at its viewers, the Aam Aadmi Party must have felt a strong strain of deja vu. Not very long ago, several exit polls had written the party off post the Delhi elections. A few days before the results were declared, while the political math had accommodated them, nobody could predict the overwhelming victory the AAP was looking at. The party ended up clinching 28 seats in the state polls, just four seats short of BJP's 34 and 20 seats more than the Congress' 8.
Original_app_mssg(2) AAP
From the adrenalin and belligerent patriotism of Anna Hazare's anti-corruption movement to the sophisticated politicking in Delhi, Aam Aadmi Party's script unfurled like a political fairy-tale. Drama, lots of noise, an us-against-the-world undertone, one newspaper headline a day and just the right number of controversies, Kejriwal's AAP story was right out of a all's well that ends well political saga - stuff Bollywood would be proud of. And then Delhi government happened to them...
The exit polls in various channels lobbed one number after another at its viewers, the Aam Aadmi Party must have felt a strong strain of deja vu. Not very long ago, several exit polls had written the party off post the Delhi elections. A few days before the results were declared, while the political math had accommodated them, nobody could predict the overwhelming victory the AAP was looking at. The party ended up clinching 28 seats in the state polls, just four seats short of BJP's 34 and 20 seats more than the Congress' 8.
However, it is least likely that the AAP pulls a Delhi on the rest of the country in the general elections this year. While the CNN IBN exit polls have still given them 3 to 5 seats, most other polls have said that they might not get a single seat. In Punjab, however, the NDTV-Hansa exit polls predicted, they could get around 2 seats.
The biggest shocker, however, came in the form of the exit polls result in Uttar Pradesh. Contesting from 76 seats, all exit polls unanimously show that, the party will not get a single. And the Aam Aadmi Party has just themselves to blame for the Lok Sabha debacle. Following are the five big blunders they made, which cost them the Lok Sabha polls
The biggest shocker, however, came in the form of the exit polls result in Uttar Pradesh. Contesting from 76 seats, all exit polls unanimously show that, the party will not get a single. And the Aam Aadmi Party has just themselves to blame for the Lok Sabha debacle. Following are the five big blunders they made, which cost them the Lok Sabha polls
1. The Delhi debacle
A story than started in Delhi, seems like, was doomed to end in Delhi itself. Kejriwal was quintessential AAP till the moment he finished his oath-taking speech in Delhi. Soon, after there was nearly a complete u-turn in both tone and language. The party which had positioned itself as one by the janta and for the janta, seemed to have realised that the janta doesn't a great government make. AAP's transition from being the voice of the 'aam aadmi' to the government, balancing resources and the promises made to the aam aadmi, was rough to say the least. Their free water scheme was questioned, the promise slash electricity rates didn't materialise.
Finally, their row with the police over the Khirkee Extension incident indicated that AAP nurses a strain that is never conducive to good governance - aggression. While aggression fit perfectly on a party claiming to be challengers to established political traditions, it sat rather uncomfortably on a government. Then CM Arvind Kejriwal sat on a dharna against his own state's police force, blocking traffic, holding up the government and descending into a spectacle best suited to a bunch of anti-establishment college idealists.
The last nail in the coffin was the stir against the Lt Governor and every other known political and bureaucratic establishment over the Delhi Janlokpal Bill
A story than started in Delhi, seems like, was doomed to end in Delhi itself. Kejriwal was quintessential AAP till the moment he finished his oath-taking speech in Delhi. Soon, after there was nearly a complete u-turn in both tone and language. The party which had positioned itself as one by the janta and for the janta, seemed to have realised that the janta doesn't a great government make. AAP's transition from being the voice of the 'aam aadmi' to the government, balancing resources and the promises made to the aam aadmi, was rough to say the least. Their free water scheme was questioned, the promise slash electricity rates didn't materialise.
Finally, their row with the police over the Khirkee Extension incident indicated that AAP nurses a strain that is never conducive to good governance - aggression. While aggression fit perfectly on a party claiming to be challengers to established political traditions, it sat rather uncomfortably on a government. Then CM Arvind Kejriwal sat on a dharna against his own state's police force, blocking traffic, holding up the government and descending into a spectacle best suited to a bunch of anti-establishment college idealists.
The last nail in the coffin was the stir against the Lt Governor and every other known political and bureaucratic establishment over the Delhi Janlokpal Bill
2. Kejriwal got the opponent math wrong. Modi is no Sheila Dikshit
Now, one has to live in a political Utopia of the most unreal kind to even think that Narendra Modi in Varanasi equals Sheila Dikshit in Delhi in 2013. In Delhi, there were murmurs of disbelief when Kejriwal decided to take on Dikshit, but the odds were firmly against the former Delhi CM. The Congress was facing a strong anti-incumbency wave in the state, it's clout further weakened by the spate of sexual violence against women. Adding to the the disappointment in the government, was the disillusionment with the state BJP leadership. To the average voting public, Congress and the BJP were in cahoots and the 'janta hai mera baap kaun hai?' tradition made all politicians look like one vicious group, hardly different from each other. AAP, in that scenario, is the enterprising outsider. The non-corrupt, clean, energetic political idealist. Votes poured in for them.
Now, one has to live in a political Utopia of the most unreal kind to even think that Narendra Modi in Varanasi equals Sheila Dikshit in Delhi in 2013. In Delhi, there were murmurs of disbelief when Kejriwal decided to take on Dikshit, but the odds were firmly against the former Delhi CM. The Congress was facing a strong anti-incumbency wave in the state, it's clout further weakened by the spate of sexual violence against women. Adding to the the disappointment in the government, was the disillusionment with the state BJP leadership. To the average voting public, Congress and the BJP were in cahoots and the 'janta hai mera baap kaun hai?' tradition made all politicians look like one vicious group, hardly different from each other. AAP, in that scenario, is the enterprising outsider. The non-corrupt, clean, energetic political idealist. Votes poured in for them.
In Varanasi, the story is greatly different. Narendra Modi is not fighting ghosts of bad governance there, Hindutva fans have literally turned him into a demi-god and issues of corruption - AAP's forte - have not surfaced even once in the political narrative around the constituency. Apart from that, Narendra Modi has taken the same place in the India's national political narrative that Arvind Kejriwal had in Delhi. He has been positioned as the challenger, the slayer of the evils by his publicity machinery. And if the exit polls are anything to go by, people seem to have bought it well.
However, the fact that Kejriwal chose to fight from Varanasi, made him look more like a political showman, than a leader of any developmental intent. And by choosing Modi as his adversary he risked being aligned with the biggest demon in the room to most Indian voters at present - Congress that is.
On the other hand, Kumar Vishwas decided to take on Rahul Gandhi - yet another heavyweight. While their move might be high on symbolism, fighting the favourites in this polls is very low on pragmatism. Also, given these are some of the most visible faces, they could have easily won if they chose a constituency and their opponents well.
3. A battle too many
Needless to say, the AAP spread itself out too thin. Fighting 400 seats was indeed ambitious, but in terms of resources and reach, the party had taken on a task they couldn't have possibly handled too well in the given time. By planning a grand national splash, the party missed the bigger picture - it failed to see how it was starting to sound like yet another run-off-the-mill political party devoid of its trademark attention to detail.
However, the fact that Kejriwal chose to fight from Varanasi, made him look more like a political showman, than a leader of any developmental intent. And by choosing Modi as his adversary he risked being aligned with the biggest demon in the room to most Indian voters at present - Congress that is.
On the other hand, Kumar Vishwas decided to take on Rahul Gandhi - yet another heavyweight. While their move might be high on symbolism, fighting the favourites in this polls is very low on pragmatism. Also, given these are some of the most visible faces, they could have easily won if they chose a constituency and their opponents well.
3. A battle too many
Needless to say, the AAP spread itself out too thin. Fighting 400 seats was indeed ambitious, but in terms of resources and reach, the party had taken on a task they couldn't have possibly handled too well in the given time. By planning a grand national splash, the party missed the bigger picture - it failed to see how it was starting to sound like yet another run-off-the-mill political party devoid of its trademark attention to detail.
Say for example Uttar Pradesh. The party's poll pitch sounded uncannily like that of others - corruption, development, communalism etc. There was very little UP-specific content in their campaign, something that could serve as a hook for them to latch on to a voter-base largely disinterested in their politics. Unlike in Delhi, AAP could be a BJP or a Congress in Uttar Pradesh. In fact Kejriwal went the whole Hindu-pleasing route by visiting temples, taking a dip in the Ganga etc. Also, like the CSDS-Lokniti tracker showed, the caste equations played a decisive role in this year's election, something that the AAP completely missed touching upon in Uttar Pradesh.
In Delhi, the party had drawn 70 specific constituency-specific manifestos indicating the depth of their involvement with the state. Voters were convinced that the party had taken the trouble of studying their problems anew, as opposed to spouting rehearsed mothballed promises. However, in the Lok Sabha polls, the party had little time to focus exclusively in each state, forget each constituency. Most of its resources - physical and social media - were spent backing the star candidates. So, while we know Shazia Ilmi, Kejriwal and Kumar Vishwas, no one knows about most other contestants fighting from the 73 other constituencies in Uttar Pradesh.
Apart from a handful, most voters have no clue either about the party or about the candidates. Add to that the fact that they are most likely to be associated with quitting the Delhi government within 49 days of coming to power. Arvind Kejriwal, unlike Narendra Modi, couldn't travel to most states and campaign for its candidates leaving them to fend for themselves. Basically, in most of all the 400 seats, AAP is a party with no recall value, something that the voting masses have little understanding or empathy for.
4. PR slips, the curious absence of Prashant Bhushan and the restrictions of social media
Beyond Twitter and Facebook, the loud, heated battleground for the political creatures of our times, lies an India which queues up to vote, come hail or storm, an India whose responsibility doesn't end with insulting each other on Twitter. That India actually holds the keys to any party's fortunes in the general elections. The Aam Aadmi Party leaned heavily on social media to rustle up a healthy wave of empathy for them in Delhi - several Twitter handles, email, newsletters, Facebook groups, Whatsapp messages etc.
In Delhi and its rapidly growing smartphone generation, AAP was a hit. People followed their Twitter handle, shared vidoes and generally worked up a frenzy around them much like they did during the anti-rape protests, the anti-corruption movement etc. Delhi was a voter-base that could be reached out through the social media. But Amethi? Or even for example, Saharanpur. The social media winds weaken the moment they leave the frontiers of urban space - and that is what Kejriwal's party tripped on in the LS polls campaign.
Add to that stray YouTube video suggesting that party leader Shazia Ilmi might have actually canvassed for votes on the basis of religion. Or Somnath Bharti accusing Ugandan women of being drug peddlers and prostitutes - thereby failing Bharatiya standards - in Delhi. AAP seemed to have acquired most of the vices all the other parties they are battling, have. It came across, even to the urban followers, as misogynistic, proud and clueless.
AAP's social media machinery, not only failed to turn heroes out of all its candidates, it failed to successfully control the damage done by its more popular leaders. Then again, sedate, mature voices like Prashant Bhushan's went uncannily missing from the chaos, making the AAP sound like a bunch of chaotic teenagers out on an adventure trip. These are people amusing to watch. But vote? A strict no-no.
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